Democracy in Iraq?
by Stephen J. Sniegoski, USA
War Party critic Georgie Anne Geyer writes: ‘Instead of the
instant-coffee democracy the American policy-makers wished to encourage
(“impose’ is no longer a nice word), this week a million fanatic and
newly empowered Shiites in the country marched to their ancient shrines
of Najaf and Karbala, telling the Americans, “Thanks, but now get
out!”’[1]
She implies that the members of the War Party were utopian in their
thinking about democracy in Iraq. In reality, the members of the War
Party, at least the leading figures such as Richard Perle, knew exactly
what they were doing. Likudnik strategists going back to Oded Yinon
sought to destabilize the Middle East for the benefit of Israel.
Democracy was not in the picture.
Let’s just summarize again Oded Yinon’s significant article,
entitled ‘A Strategy for Israel in the 1980s,’ which appeared in the
World Zionist Organization’s periodical Kivunim in February 1982. In
summarizing this strategy in his The Zionist Plan for the Middle East,
the late Israel Shahak observed that Yinon’s essay ‘represents … the
accurate and detailed plan of the present Zionist regime (of Sharon and
Eitan) for the Middle East which is based on the division of the whole
area into small states, and the dissolution of all the existing Arab
states.’ Shahak continued: ‘To survive, Israel must 1) become an
imperial regional power, and 2) must effect the division of the whole
area into small states by the dissolution of all existing Arab states.
Small here will depend on the ethnic or sectarian composition of each
state. Consequently, the Zionist hope is that sectarian-based states
become Israel’s satellites and, ironically, its source of moral
legitimation.’
About Iraq, Yinon wrote: ‘Iraq, rich in oil on the one hand and
internally torn on the other, is guaranteed as a candidate for Israel’s
targets. Its dissolution is even more important for us than that of
Syria. Iraq is stronger than Syria. In the short run it is Iraqi power
which constitutes the greatest threat to Israel. An Iraqi-Iranian war
will tear Iraq apart and cause its downfall at home even before it is
able to organize a struggle on a wide front against us. Every kind of
inter-Arab confrontation will assist us in the short run and will
shorten the way to the more important aim of breaking up Iraq into
denominations as in Syria and in Lebanon. In Iraq, a division into
provinces along ethnic/religious lines as in Syria during Ottoman times
is possible. So, three (or more) states will exist around the three
major cities: Basra, Baghdad and Mosul, and Shi’ite areas in the south
will separate from the Sunni and Kurdish north. It is possible that the
present Iranian-Iraqi confrontation will deepen this polarization.’[2]
This is a pretty realistic assessment of the fragility of Saddam’s Iraq,
but no expectation of democracy.
Now Yinon was an Israeli Likudnik; but what were neocnservatives
saying about democracy for Iraq? A clear illustration of the
neoconservative thinking on war on Iraq was a 1996 paper developed by
Richard Perle, Douglas Feith, David Wurmser and others, published by an
Israeli think tank, the Institute for Advanced Strategic and Political
Studies, entitled ‘A Clean Break: A New Strategy for Securing the
Realm.’ The work called for Israel to ‘shape its strategic environment,
in cooperation with Turkey and Jordan, by weakening, containing, and
even rolling back Syria. This effort can focus on removing Saddam
Hussein from power in Iraq - an important Israeli strategic objective
in its own right - as a means of foiling Syria’s regional ambitions.’
Israeli military strategic actions would serve as a ‘prelude to a
redrawing of the map of the Middle East which would threaten Syria’s
territorial integrity.’ Regarding Iraq, the proposal thought in terms
of a Hashemite restoration, because of the Hashemites appeal to the
majority Shi’ite population of Iraq. The paper writes: ‘The
predominantly Shia[3] population of southern Lebanon has been tied for
centuries to the Shia leadership in Najf, Iraq rather than Iran. Were
the Hashemites to control Iraq, they could use their influence over
Najf to help Israel wean the south Lebanese Shia away from Hizbollah,
Iran, and Syria. Shia retain strong ties to the Hashemites: the Shia
venerate foremost the Prophet’s family, the direct descendants of which
- and in whose veins the blood of the Prophet flows - is King Hussein
[now deceased].’ Note, that as in the Yinon article, the focus of the
‘Clean Break’ piece is strictly concerned with Israeli strategic
interests, with no relationship to democracy whatsoever. In fact, it
strays so far from proposing democracy as to call for the establishment
of royalty in Iraq.[4]
To be truthful the leading neoconservative thinkers never claimed
that the US would find instant democracy after toppling Saddam. The
idea of instant democracy was simply propaganda for American gentiles
of average and dull-normal IQ levels who rely for information on Rush
Limbaugh, Sean Hannity, and others of that ilk. In reality, the
intellectual neocons generally argued that it was necessary for the US
to ‘educate’ the Iraqis in the principles of democracy during a long
period of US occupation. In short, Iraq would be an American controlled
puppet state. As neocon Bruce Fein put it: ‘At this time in Iraq’s grim
history, order and security are more critical than liberty and
deliberation; clarity and decisiveness more urgent than nuance and
political ballet.’ He went on: ‘President Bush should thus state
unequivocally that the United States will govern Iraq as a trustee on
behalf of its 23 million citizens until the conditions for a stable
democracy have taken root.’ And this US trusteeship would entail
detentions without charges; secret trials based on hearsay evidence
with no appeals; a mandatory death penalty; and ‘unforgiving’ sentences
imposed on those Iraqis who discourage cooperation with United
States.[5]
As a matter of fact, behind the scenes, it was apparent that the War
Party leadership was making plans for post-war Iraq that belied the
democracy rhetoric. Pro-Zionist U.S. Congessman Tom Lantos put it
candidly in calming the worries of an Israeli member of the Knesset:
‘You won’t have any problem with Saddam. We’ll be rid of the bastard
soon enough. And in his place we’ll install a pro-Western dictator, who
will be good for us and for you.’[6]
Footnotes:
1 New Iraq isn’t Shaping up the Way War
Party Envisioned,
http://www.uexpress.com/georgieannegeyer/?uc_full_date=20030424
2 cf.
http://www.geocities.com/roundtable_texts/zionistplan.html
3 Islam is divided into two main
sub-divisions, the Sunnis, who form about 90% majority of the Muslim
world and the Shia, who form about 10%. The Sunnis hold that the first
four caliphs, or rulers, after the Prophet Muhammad were “rightly
guided” whereas Shi’ites are “the partisans of Ali” who believe that
the Prophet’s son-in-law should have succeeded him directly. Shi’ites
have their own vesion of Islamic law and their own theology. They also
believe in a chain of leaders, or imams, who came after Muhammad and in
a structure of spiritual authority through mullahs and a religious
establishment. Iran is the largest Shi’a country in the world.
4 cf.
http://www.israeleconomy.org/strat1.htm
5 cf.
http://www.washtimes.com/commentary/20030401-97902616.htm Also
emphasizing a lengthy occupation period for “democratization” was Norman
Podhoretz, “In Praise of the Bush Doctrine,” Commentary (September
2002), http://www.ourjerusalem.com/opinion/story/opinion20020904a.html
6 cf. Akiva Eldar, “They’re jumping in head first,” Ha’aretz,
September 30, 2002,
http://www.haaretzdaily.com/hasen/pages/ShArt.jhtml?itemNo=21415 9
“Favored Post-Saddam Leaders Belie Bush’s Democracy Rhetoric,”
Foreign Policy in Focus, November 26, 2002,
http://www.foreignpolicy-infocus.org/commentary/2002/0211invasio n.html
Brian Whitaker, “Jordan prince touted to succeed Saddam,” The
Guardian, July 19, 2002,
http://www.guardian.co.uk/Archive/Article/0,4273,4464346,00.html
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