Recent Rwandan Acts of Aggression in the Democratic Republic of Congo

Chronology of Facts

by Joseph M. Kyalangilwa, President of the Civil Society of the Province of South Kivu, President of the International Great Lakes Forum

cc. The following chronology of facts, recorded by the astute and well-informed observer Joseph Kyalangilwa, is commendable for its objectiveness. The description of numerous disturbing and disconcerting conditions ought surely to rouse the international community. Joseph’s family itself became a victim of the violence he so objectively describes when two family members were cruelly ill-treated.

It is hard to understand that people have been made to suffer as much as the Congolese have in recent years. It is unacceptable that hardly any hope of real improvement exists. It is unbearable that the international reaction is not more than a slight shrug of the shoulders. We must oppose this lethargy. (Please also note the textbox.)

No Congolese who is proud of being one still believes the verbal or written promises, nor any agreement that has been solemnly signed between the dictatorial and mono-ethnic power, which has governed in Kigali (Rwanda) since July 1994, and the leaders of the neighbouring countries, in particular with the Democratic Republic of Congo.

The same is true of the representatives of the RCD-Goma (Rassemblement congolais pour la Démocratie – Congolese Union for Democracy), the so-called ex-rebel movement and protégés of Paul Kagame from whom they are clearly unable to break free – to the detriment of the higher interests of the Congolese nation. In fact, the RCD-Goma, now a political party, prides itself on regrettably having repeatedly obstructed the positive course of the transition phase of the Democratic Republic of Congo.

The police forces in Kigali and their collaborators in the Congo, the RCD-Goma, have something in common: their dishonourable politics. Both have not lifted a finger against the flagrant violations of human rights and international humanitarian rights and deny or reject any responsibility for these violations even though they have been caught red-handed. We are not the only ones who realise this and have been saying so for some time. The four UN expert reports which have already been published on the systematic plundering and illegal exploitation of the natural resources and other riches in the democratic Republic of Congo confirm our analysis. These reports also clearly point out that economic motives were the true reason for the war of aggression between 1998 and 2003 and the occupation of the east of Congo by the coalition forces of Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi and not securing their borders to the territory of the Democratic Republic of Congo.

The new attack on the Kivu region by the army of Paul Kagame, who had come to the help of rebellious Congolese troops commanded by General Laurent Nkundabatware and Colonel Jules Mutebutsi, as well as the occupation of Bukavu, capital of South-Kivu province, by the rebels were carried out for again the same economic motives. In addition, though, is RCD-Goma leaders’ and their “sponsor” Rwanda’s fear of free, democratic and transparent elections scheduled for May 2005.

The RCD-Goma politicians know only too well all the violations of human rights and international humanitarian law that they inhumanly inflicted on the peaceful indigenous people of Kivu. They are also aware of the fact that from 1998 to 2003 they only pursued the interests of the ruling government in Kigali (Rwanda). These are the reasons why the people of Kivu in general and those of South-Kivu in particular were not at all sorry to see them go when they pulled out. Just recently the RCD-Goma, represented by the two above-mentioned official leaders, who functioned as puppets, again collaborated in new aggressive attacks against the Democratic Republic of Congo.

The chronology of events is outlined in the following. It speaks for itself.

Tuesday 25 May 2004

Reports circulate in the city of Bukavu claiming something serious will occur on 28 May 2004 which will also make the city of Bukavu unsafe.

Wednesday, 26 May 2004

At 5:45 p.m. heavy gunfire is heard in the city of Bukavu, in the Congolese quarter of Nguba which borders on the Rwandan town of Cyangugu. The firing increases and troop movements can be observed in the city.

At 6:30 p.m., firing from automatic weapons and heavy artillery is heard which encourages the confusion that has spread throughout the town, and the inhabitants are forced to go into hiding in their homes. The warring parties advance towards the city centre of Nguba. Soldiers of the MONUC (United Nations Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo) spread out in the city and try to gain control of the situation.

By about 10:30 p.m., the situation appears stable and remains so until the next morning.

Thursday, 27 May 2004

At 5:45 a.m. constant fire from automatic weapons resumes.

8:40 am: The interim governor of South Kivu, Mr Mazambi, makes some ostentatious declarations on radio Okapi (UN) which only criticise the actions of General Félix Mbudja Mabe, interim Commander of the 10th military region [the Commander-in-Chief of the loyal, regular Congolese troops].

Shooting continues all morning and the front line spreads to all districts of the city. The inhabitants observe the attackers from their homes and identify the presence of Rwandan soldiers on the side of Congolese army dissidents. They move from district to district, plundering, raping women and young girls, torturing and killing the residents in their homes with their automatic weapons and breaking all the windows of the houses. European women are also raped.

At 11:20 a.m., helicopters of MONUC fly over the city, dropping units of their troops here and there, and at 12 a.m., all the local posts of the MONUC brigade of Nguba are evacuated and brought to their headquarters in the Muhumba district. These observation posts have testified that they too saw massive incursions of Rwandan troops from Cyangugu (Rwanda) coming over the border via the Ruzizi river. Some of them wore military uniforms, others civilian clothes, but all of them were armed to the teeth.

It is 4 p.m. and the loyal soldiers of the Congolese army start their counterattack and repulse the attackers and dissidents on the Nguba front. There are a large number of dead and wounded attackers, who flee back into Rwanda with their corpses, their wounded and their families. Strangely, MONUC intervenes and calls for a ceasefire and negotiations. The Nguba district that borders on Cyangugu (Rwanda) remains under the control of the attackers. They (the dissident Congolese units and their Rwandan allies) benefit from this situation by plundering, raping, killing and destroying all they can in the housing areas of Nguba and Muhumba. And this continues throughout the night.

Friday, 28 May 2004

It is 3 a.m.; the attackers penetrate the “Picole” convent run by female Italian missionaries in the Nguba district, abduct the sisters and plunder their convent. The attackers continue to comb through this quarter until they reach the area where the teachers live who work at the Alfajiri College, run by Jesuits, where in addition to plundering and deliberate destruction, there are several cases of abuse and murder. By 9 a.m., it is clear that Colonel Jules Mutebutsi with his act of mutiny and the lack of discipline among his soldiers is responsible for these terrible events. A MONUC helicopter, flying over Nguba to check whether the attackers observe the ceasefire, is shot at by Mutebutsi’s men and in reaction to this opens fire on their positions. This starts a general panic in Nguba, and inhabitants hurry to the MONUC headquarters in Muhumba, and some Banyamulenge families [cf. explanation of “Banyamulenge” further down in the text] flee into Rwanda. MONUC delivers an ultimatum to Colonel J. Mutebutsi demanding that he disarm his men, but he does not comply with this order.

Saturday, 29 May 2004

At 8 a.m., in the territory of Kalehe (South-Kivu), troop movements of units of the 8th military district, which are based in the province close to North-Kivu, are observed in the direction of Bukavu. At the same time, movements of Rwandan troops crossing Lake Kivu in military motorboats via the Congolese island of Idjwi are noticed. The number of these Rwandan soldiers, who in Kalehe join the 2000 Congolese soldiers coming from Goma and are commanded by General Laurent Nkundabatware, is estimated at over 4000. The loyal Congolese troops that have dug themselves in in the territory of Kalehe put up a very fierce fight against General Laurent Nkundabatware and his mercenaries. They manage to rout them and inflict heavy losses in human lives. In face of this situation Rwanda strengthens the number of its soldiers in Kalehe, who are then able to gain control of the centre of Kalehe and move towards Bukavu after having killed a MONUC observer in Kalehe.

Sunday, 30 May 2004

Towards 8 a.m., rumours from the front line in Kalehe spread that the rebel troops of Colonel Jules Mutebutsi in the town of Bukavu have been reinforced by the troops commanded by General Laurent Nkundabatware. These reinforcements do indeed come from units commanded by General Nkundabatware, and in addition these are reinforced by the occupying forces of Rutshuru under Governor Serufuli (North-Kivu), by the occupying forces of Bushumba commanded by the former governor of South-Kivu, Mr. Chiribanya, as well as by units from Rwanda, who, according to observers, have been transported across Lake Kivu on overloaded military boats.

Meanwhile, Colonel Mutebutsi and his men, 24 hours after MONUC’s ultimatum to surrender their weapons, have still not been disarmed.

In the meantime, it is nearly 2 p.m. Curiously, MONUC demands that all the people who have taken refuge in its headquarters should leave and even uses violence to implement its order. Some families take the risk of returning to their homes, others, indignant at MONUC’s inhuman decision, spend the night in the open.

Monday, 31 May 2004

At 2 a.m., general panic spreads in MONUC’s headquarters. Kavumu airport (Bukavu), which was being guarded by MONUC, falls into the hands of insurgents commanded by General Laurent Nkundabatware. MONUC hastily evacuates all the expatriates living in Bukavu [i.e. Rwandans that have been living in Congo since the Rwandan civil war; many of them would be treated as “Génocidaires” if they fell into the hands of Rwandan troops or their allies, especially if they were once members of the Hutu militias. ed.], but the nationals remain. By 6 a.m., the loyal troops and Mayi-Mayi have pulled out of their positions in Bukavu. Towards 9 a.m. they reoccupy them. All that day, no firing is heard. People are constantly on the move in the city trying to find basic foods, but prices in the meantime have tripled.

At 1 p.m., a coup de théâtre takes place. It is reported that the international airport of Goma (capital of North-Kivu province) was closed down and has been surrounded by Rwandan troops. The government delegation, which was on its way to Bukavu, has been taken hostage. All economic activities have come to a standstill. Meanwhile, the insurgent troops of General Nkundabatware have advanced and are only 15 kilometers away from Bukavu.

Monday, 1 June 2004

At 6 a.m. in Bukavu everything is calm. No shots have been heard. Between 9 a.m. and 1 p.m. various reports are heard of fierce fighting 15 kilometers away from Bukavu. Thanks to logistic aid, for instance in the form of UN vehicles, which villagers claim to have recognized and which MONUC is said to have placed at the disposal of General Nkundabatware’s insurgents, loyal troops are forced to retreat to their boats in order to reorganize.

In Bukavu people are still waiting for the arrival of the government delegation headed by the Vice-president of the Democratic Republic of Congo, Mr. Azarias Ruberwa. Protracted negotiations are clearly going on in Goma. Meanwhile, another government delegation headed by Foreign Minister Antoine Ghonda lands by helicopter in the southern part of Bukavu, in Panzi. The delegation is enthusiastically welcomed by the population.

Strangely, it is noted that a certain John Bahati, staff officer to General Nkundabatware, accompanies MONUC to the headquarters of the very active Civil Society of South-Kivu. In a sharply-worded protest the leaders of the Civil Society make it clear to him that this new war of aggression is unacceptable.

Wednesday, 2 June 2004

At 5:55 a.m. people in Bukavu are rudely awakened after a calm night by heavy fire from automatic weapons coming from the Nguba district and from the Jesuit College. The shooting spreads to the downtown area. Throughout the night, the inhabitants of Nguba and those on the right bank of the Ruzizi river had observed Rwandan army trucks, crammed with weapons, ammunition and troops, crossed the border, which should be guarded by the UN. These are reinforcements for the insurrectionists of Colonel Jules Mutebutsi. Together with their Rwandan allies, they gradually infiltrate all the districts of Bukavu. These Rwandans can be seen parading around in Independence Square.

Meanwhile, on the order of Kinshasa the loyal troops of Commander Felix Mbudja Mabe have withdrawn to the hills west of Bukavu. The invaders continue to occupy the whole city and their operations are accompanied by plundering and malicious destruction. In spite of the reassuring and calming words of MONUC that they are in control of the city, General Laurent Nkundabatware claims via radio Voice of America (VOA) that he already controls the city of Bukavu. He is fighting, he proclaims, to protect the Banyamulenge community, of which he is also a member. [Banyamulenge were Tutsi who originally emigrated from Rwanda. Living in East Congo – some of whom had been living there for generations and were accepted by the Congolese – they were used as the official main reason for the 1998 war of aggression started by Rwanda against the Congolese central government: Rwanda said it had to protect both members of its ethnic group against the Hutu militias still active in East Congo and its own borders. ed.]. Laurent Nkundabatware also says: “Everything I do is known to Azarias Ruberwa, one of the four vice-presidents of the Democratic Republic of Congo.” Despite this declaration, the vigilant population of Bukavu remains locked up in their houses. The city of Bukavu has fallen and the conquerors take power. The defenceless, innocent Congolese civilian population of Bukavu is once more made to suffer the consequences of this situation: robbery, rape, kidnapping, death and destruction by the gangs of “conquerors”.

At 12 a.m., at its press conference in Kinshasa, MONUC again demonstrates its inability to provide reliable information on the fall of Bukavu, despite the fact that they are stationed there and also inexplicably involved.

Severe damage has been done. First, all Congolese are bitterly disappointed by this celebrated MONUC. Evidence of this was the fact that between 3-5 June 2004 people vented their anger on the offices of MONUC in Kinshasa, Kisangani, Lubumbashi, Kalemie, Kindu and other places. In some cases the offices were plundered, and acts of destruction carried out by young Congolese.

In the meantime, the loyal troops that had withdrawn to the surrounding hills of Bukavu reorganize and receive reinforcements. CIAT (International Committee to Accompany the Transition, known by its French acronym, CIAT) becomes active and orders General Nkundabatware to withdraw from Bukavu with his men. The Western diplomacy backs the actions of CIAT. Without firing a shot, the men of General Felix Mbudja Mabe march triumphantly back into the city on 10 June 2004. A few hours earlier, Colonel Jules Mutebutsi had retreated with his troops and Rwandan units. One day later, on Friday 11 June 2004, a government delegation led by the Minister of the Interior arrives in Bukavu. They are accompanied by the new provincial governor and his deputy, who are appointed the same day in front of the rejoicing people of Bukavu.

On the same day, it becomes known that a coup d’état against the institutions of the transition government has been thwarted. Its man behind the coup d’état is Major Eric Lenge, 33 years old and head of the bodyguard of the President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. 12 of the 13 men involved in the putsch have already been arrested, but Major Eric Lenge has not yet been found.

In a further article, our reporter will be assessing the recent aggression by Rwanda. Rwanda still denies any part in the attacks.