Setting Just Limits to New Methods of Warfare*
by Dr. Robert Hickson, USA
In light of the history of warfare – both the discovery and
development of new arma- ments and the passionate use of
"armed ideologies" – it is a moral certitude that unexpected
new combinations of advanced science will be applied
technocratically in future forms of war. These new
weaponized technologies – in both lethal and non-lethal
forms – will also, most probably, be used in "police work"
and "peace-operations", and in "neo-imperial constabulary
actions" along the borders of Empire, on the ambiguous
frontiers of conflicting and alien civilizations and
religious cultures. It will be very difficult to set and
keep humane moral limits in such a fevered dialectical
context of ideology and technology. The long-developing and
self-destructive movement towards "total war" – or what some
recent Chinese military thinkers have called "unrestricted
warfare" – will take us to the foundations of our existence.
A strategic-minded British General saw this with piercing
clarity, more than a half-century ago.
It was almost five years before his death, after a long,
active and reflective life, that Major General J.F.C. Fuller
published The Conduct of War, 1789-1961: A Study of the Im-
pact of the French, Industrial, and Russian Revolutions on
War and Its Conduct1 It is a farsighted and paradigmatic
book which General Fuller (1878-1966) himself was inclined
to consider as "the most important he had written".2
His book examined the long-growing and destructively
cumulative developments in society towards new forms of war
that were more and more unlimited, ambiguous, and
intentionally undefined; and, hence, more and more coldly
abstract and impersonal and altogether conducive to
barbarism and civilizational disaster. Moreover, he saw
these great evils growing within the feverish atmosphere and
manipulated mass-psychology of "democratic governance",
further exacerbated by revolutionary new techniques and
purposes of "total wars" which also required the humiliating
"unconditional surrender" of a defeated people. That
"absolute surrender" was, furthermore, preparatory to their
protracted "re-education" ("Umerziehung", in German),
"social-engineering", or "demiurgic transformation" into
something "new", which was often euphemistically called
"nation-building" and all that.
For example. General Fuller's important Chapter XI, entitled
"Soviet Revolutionary Warfare", speaks about their deceitful
use of "Peace as an Instrument of Revolution," and this
could also be applied today to new forms of American
"Messianic Democracy" and its policies of "creative
destruction" and "democratic transformation" abroad.
On the premise that "there are no technical solutions to
moral problems," and also on the premise, that "whoever is
morally and spiritually uprooted himself tends to uproot
others," we can see the moral difficulty of setting and
preserving properly proportional limits in the just conduct
of modern war. It is certainly the case that setting moral
limits is itself always a profoundly human problem, and so
is the keeping of proper limits, especially under the stress
of war. And here is where the self-understanding provided by
the virtues becomes important.
For, it is one of the functions of the four cardinal virtues
– prudence, justice, fortitude, and temperance – to foster
wise limits and to develop dispositions or habits of
promptness and constancy and fitting moderation. There are,
however, no "techniques" that can be truly substituted for
the virtues, which are themselves ordered perfections of
common human potentialities (powers or capacities). And the
virtues themselves presuppose human free will and
voluntariness and, as a consequence, moral responsibility
and moral accountability.
Setting just limits in the matter of going to war (ad
bellum) and in the matter of the conduct and fitting
conclusion of war (in bello) is, indeed, a very great
challenge to our intel- lectual and moral life, especially
admidst the changing conditions and experimental atmos-
phere of modern science and technology. The French,
Industrial and Bolshevik Revolutions, so keenly analyzed by
General Fuller, have impelled us more and more towards
"total war," but applied modem science now goes even
further.
For example, if a country decides to use, as an offensive
weapon, "computer network attack" against an actual or
potential opponent, what constitutes a legitimate military
target? Moreover, in long-range "strategic information
warfare," what, indeed, constitutes a licit military target?
Can one permissibly attack an enemy's financial institutions
or stock market? Who is a combatant and who is a
non-combatant in the new field of "modem information
warfare," which entails "disruption, destruction, and
deception in information systems" (according to the
definition of the U.S. National Security Agency – NSA)? And
how does one know when one is even under attack in
"strategic information warfare"? What, indeed, are the
"indications and warnings" of an actual or impending
assault? What is our criterion of judgment so as to aid our
just response, according to the "principle of
discrimination" and "proportionality"?
1 J.F.C. Fuller, The Conduct of War, 1789-1961: A Study of
the Impact of the French, Industrial, and Russian
Revolutions on War and Its Conduct (New York, Da Capo Press
1992 — first published in 1961).
2 This view was conveyed by General Fuller to his friend and
admirer, Brian Holden Reid, author of the book, J.F.C.
Fuller: Military Thinker.
* The complete essay you can find in: Neo-Conned! – Just War
Principles, a Condemmnation of War in Iraq (Vol. 1);
Neo-Conned Again! – Hyprocrisy, Lawlessness, and the Rape of
Iraq (Vol. 2); IHS Press of Norfolk, Virginia. Forthcoming
in early 2005.
|
 |
|